Religious Freedom and the NSW Conversion Practices Ban Act 2024

I have prepared a paper exploring the operation of the NSW Conversion Practices Ban Act 2024 in relation to the freedom of churches and other religious groups to continue to provide teaching and guidance based on the tenets of their faith. The Act has received assent but will not commence operation until 3 April 2025.

Overall, the Act contains much better protections for religious freedom and the welfare of vulnerable children and young people than similar legislation elsewhere. But there are some areas where it is not clear, and it will require careful consideration by religious groups, as well those interested in so-called “gender transition” issues even from a non-religious background.

The paper can be downloaded here:

Challenges to Religious Freedom: Conversion Practices law passed, ALRC report released

A brief update on two significant challenges to religious freedom which have emerged over the last few days.

First, in NSW, the Conversion Practices Ban Bill 2024 has been rushed through both Houses of Parliament, receiving final approval on Friday March 22 after an all-night debate in the Legislative Council, and is now awaiting the Royal Assent. I posted about this Bill recently. There I said:

Legislation of this sort has been introduced in other jurisdictions around Australia and elsewhere. The aim of banning oppressive and violent practices designed to “convert” someone’s sexual orientation from homosexual to heterosexual is good, of course. But those practices, while they may have existed some time ago, are really no longer around. The problem with these laws now is that their drafting can be so broad that they interfere with the ordinary teaching of religious doctrines and life within families. These laws are also often premised on the assumption that “gender transition” is a good thing which should be freely available to children, whether or not with parental permission. They raise important issues of concern to all those interested in the welfare of children, whether or not from a religious perspective.

In that more detailed post I outlined the problems with the Bill. I noted that it is at least better than some others which have passed, especially the bad Victorian law. But none of the suggested amendments put forward by faith groups and the Opposition and other members were accepted by the government, which had the numbers with the Greens to push it through unchanged.

So churches and other religious groups will need to consider carefully where the line can be drawn between counselling which urges someone to live in accordance with God’s will (by not engaging in sex outside a man/woman marriage, or by living in line with one’s biological reality), and counselling which “suppresses” a person’s “sexual orientation” or “gender identity”. The Bill (soon to be an Act) will also put a thumb on the scales of advice to those wrestling with gender confusion, in favour of “affirming” treatment, when the scientific evidence is becoming increasingly clear that for young people, puberty blockers and other such treatments are not shown to be of help, and lead to massive bodily change which can usually not be reversed.

The Act, once given assent, is due to come into operation in one year.

The second concerning development is that on Wednesday 21 March the Australian Law Reform Commission released its report Maximising the Realisation of Human Rights: Religious Educational Institutions and Anti-Discrimination Laws (ALRC Report 142). Far from “maximising” human rights, the report (as expected by those who spoke to some of its researchers) would have the effect, if adopted, of seriously impairing the operation of faith-based schools around Australia. In brief, it recommends removal of all of “balancing clauses” in the federal Sex Discrimination Act 1984 which currently recognise the need to balance the religious freedom of faith-based schools with rights of teachers and students not to be detrimentally treated on the basis of sexual activity or “gender identity”. In particular, this would remove (among other provisions) section 38 of that Act, which allows faith schools to operate in accordance with their religious ethos when making staffing and educational decisions.

The Prime Minister has noted that the government has not made a decision to formally accept these recommendations. He has indicated, however, that since the report was made available to the government in December, two draft pieces of legislation have been prepared (though not made publicly available). He has indicated he would like bi-partisan support from the federal Opposition. It has to be said that views on these issues seem so strongly held that this seems unlikely. But it will all depend on the wording of any proposed laws.

Australia needs to decide if it wants to offer parents the option of having their children educated in faith-based schools, or not. Many parents have signalled they want this option, by sending their children to such schools. But if those schools find that their very reason for existence, operating in accordance with a religious world-view, is taken away, it seems likely that many will decide it is not worth continuing operations. The federal government needs to listen very carefully to all sides of this debate.

NSW Conversion Practices Bill- risks to religious freedom

The NSW government has introduced a Conversion Practices Ban Bill 2024 into the Parliament, with the apparent aim of moving it through very quickly. Legislation of this sort has been introduced in other jurisdictions around Australia and elsewhere. The aim of banning oppressive and violent practices designed to “convert” someone’s sexual orientation from homosexual to heterosexual is good, of course. But those practices, while they may have existed some time ago, are really no longer around. The problem with these laws now is that their drafting can be so broad that they interfere with the ordinary teaching of religious doctrines and life within families. These laws are also often premised on the assumption that “gender transition” is a good thing which should be freely available to children, whether or not with parental permission. They raise important issues of concern to all those interested in the welfare of children, whether or not from a religious perspective.

But laws of this sort can in particular have significant implications for religious freedom. I have previously provided a detailed analysis of the Victorian legislation on this topic, noting the serious problems that law has created. The good news in NSW is that the government does seem to have listened to some of the concerns about the law raised by religious leaders and other concerned citizens. The Bill is certainly an improvement on the Victorian model. But there are a number of areas where it could be clearer in protecting important rights of all members of the community, to speak and act freely in accordance with their convictions and biological reality.

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“Gender critical” victories in tribunal cases

Over the last month there have been three important tribunal decisions (two in the UK, one in Australia) in favour of women who had been disciplined or dismissed or sued for expressing “gender critical” views. This phrase, broadly, refers to those who believe that sex is a biological reality and that someone’s gender aligns with their sex. Allegations of “transgender vilification” or claims that someone’s views on this matter can be a ground for workplace penalties have been common over the last few years. But the three cases I want to mention here (involving social worker Rachel Meade, academic Dr Jo Phoenix, and commentator Kirralie Smith) suggest that the tide may be turning in favour of those who hold the view that biology matters.

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Two cases on sex and gender identity

Two recent Australian cases raise important questions about sex and gender identity as legal categories. One, a decision of the highest appellate court in NSW, held that a change in sex under the law of a State does not require a change to be made in a marriage certificate issued under Commonwealth law. The other is a decision still awaiting a final hearing in the Federal Court, where the operator of a females-only only social networking site is being sued for her decision to exclude an applicant who was born biologically male but has since undergone “gender affirming surgery”. Though neither case explicitly involves anyone whose views are based on religious beliefs, both raise important issues which connect with “law and religion” interests, and are worthy of noting.

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Vilification claims based on critique of drag queens event dismissed

The Queensland Civil and Administrative Tribunal, in its decision yesterday in Valkyrie and Hill v Shelton [2023] QCAT 302 (18 August 2023), has dismissed claims of vilification based on sexual orientation or gender identity, made against conservative commentator Lyle Shelton. The careful decision of Member Gordon reveals a number of uncertainties still surround the interpretation of this and other similar laws around Australia, but finds in the end that comments critical of the participation of the complainants in a “drag queen library event for children”, did not amount to the incitement of hatred towards, serious contempt for, or severe ridicule of the complainants on the ground of their sexuality or gender identity in contravention of section 124A of the Anti-Discrimination Act 1991 (Qld). There are a number of points in the decision worth noting.

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Removing fences: the ALRC Consultation Paper on Religious Educational Institutions and Discrimination Laws

The Australian Law Reform Commission has now released a Consultation Paper for its current reference on “Religious Educational Institutions and Anti-Discrimination Laws”. The paper, while formally acknowledging the importance of religious freedom and parental rights, will be a serious disappointment to those involved in religious schools and colleges. It effectively recommends the removal of protections enjoyed by religious educational institutions which have been designed to safeguard the ability of these organisations to operate in accordance with their religious beliefs. The “fences” protecting these bodies from being forced to conform to majority views on sexual behaviour and identity (and hence losing their distinctiveness as religious bodies) are to be knocked down, the ALRC says. But the paper offers no convincing reasons for this wholesale demolition of a structure which has served the diversity and plurality of the Australian community for many years. Rather than supporting “Diversity, Equity and Inclusion”, the paper’s recommendations would require a compulsory uniformity which would undermine the reasons for the existence of faith-based educational institutions.

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ALRC inquiry into Religious Educational Institutions and Anti-Discrimination Laws

The Commonwealth Attorney-General has announced that the Australian Law Reform Commission will be conducting an inquiry into the general area of “Religious Educational Institutions and Anti-Discrimination Laws”. Detailed information about the inquiry can be seen at their home page.

Readers may recall that the ALRC had previously been given a wider inquiry by the former government: the web-page notes that

The Terms of Reference replace a previous Inquiry into religious exemptions in anti-discrimination legislation that has been on hold since March 2020.

This new inquiry, while narrower in terms of being limited to religious educational institutions, comes with a number of assumptions that some may find problematic:

The Terms of Reference describe the Government’s commitments as ensuring ‘that an educational institution conducted in accordance with the doctrines, tenets, beliefs or teachings of a particular religion or creed:

  • must not discriminate against a student on the basis of sexual orientation, gender identity, marital or relationship status or pregnancy;
  • must not discriminate against a member of staff on the basis of sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, marital or relationship status or pregnancy;
  • can continue to build a community of faith by giving preference, in good faith, to persons of the same religion as the educational institution in the selection of staff’.

The Commission has indicated that it will have regard to submissions made to the previous inquiry, but that it also “will undertake further consultations”. Organisations and individuals who are interested in making submissions to the inquiry (when public submissions are called for) can “subscribe” to email updates from the ALRC here. Given that the inquiry has quite a tight timeline (it is due to report on 21 April 2023) I suspect that submissions may need to be put together fairly quickly over the Christmas/New Year period.

Update

The ALRC has now released a consultation timetable (which can be seen here) which indicates that they will be releasing a discussion paper for general comments on 27 January 2023, to which responses need to be provided by 24 February 2023.

First volume of Australian Journal of Law and Religion published

Great to see that the first volume of the Australian Journal of Law and Religion has been published: see here. All articles are free to download. Congratulations to editors Alex Deagon and Jeremy Patrick on this new venture! I am honoured to have an article in this first issue on “Religious Freedom, Section 109 of the Constitution, and Anti-discrimination Laws”.

For convenience, here is a copy of the first table of contents:

Articles

Law and Religion in the Classroom: Teaching Church-State Relationships: Renae Barker

The Formation of Islamic Law in Indonesia: The Interplay Between Islamic Authorities and the State: Muhammad Latif Fauzi

Religious Freedom, Section 109 of the Constitution, and Anti-discrimination Laws: Neil Foster

Why the Jury in Pell v The Queen Must Have Had a Doubt and the High Court was Right to Quash the Guilty Verdicts: Andrew Hemming

Adolescent Gender Identity and the Sex Discrimination Act: The Case for Religious Exemptions: Patrick Parkinson

Book Reviews

Christians: The Urgent Case for Jesus in Our World by Greg Sheridan: Katie Murray

Law and Religion in the Liberal State edited by Md Jahid Hossain Bhuiyan and Darryn Jensen: Jeremy Patrick

Special Topic Forum: The Future of Law and Religion in Australia

The Continued Existence of the Crime of Blasphemy in Australia: Luke Beck

Proportionality in Australian Constitutional Law: Next Stop Section 116?: Anthony Gray

The Liberal and Post-Liberal Futures of Law and Religion in Australia: Joel Harrison

Happy reading!